Grand Slam combat operations
Barnes Wallis and Frank Whittle, probably the best-known
British inventors of the twentieth century, worked in the air-industrial
complex. Both were supported very strongly by it because they came up with new
ideas which were felt to be worth trying; their revolutionary inventions were
supported because they were so novel, because they promised new offensive
capabilities, which promised early victory.
In the summer of 1940 Wallis hatched an incredible
war-winning scheme, `a monster bomber to smash the Germans'. By mid-July 1940
he had come up with a plan for a `High Altitude Stratosphere Bomber' (soon to
be called the Victory Bomber). This would be a gigantic thing, with a fully laden
weight of more than 50 tons, much more than the 30-ton future Lancaster bomber.
It would carry 10 tons of bombs but at nearly twice the altitude of the future
Lancaster, 40,000 feet, and for a considerably longer range. Wallis claimed to
his superior in Vickers that `the new machine is going to be the instrument
which will enable us to bring the war to a quick conclusion'. He explained that
given the altitude they would operate at, they could fly `at their leisure and
in daylight'. Large numbers were unnecessary: `irreparable damage could be
inflicted on the strategic communications of the German Empire by . . . ten or
twenty machines within the course of a few weeks'. He was confident that a new
gyroscopic bombsight would give bombing accuracies of 150 yards from 40,000
feet. Such a machine had another advantage: Britain would have `the machine and
the experience to enable us to step right into the forefront of transoceanic
civil aviation directly war ceases'. It could fly direct to New York in twelve
hours.
Vickers put this plan for a Victory bomber forward to Lord
Beaverbrook, the Minister of Aircraft Production, in November 1940: the
aircraft, pressurized and built to Wallis's geodesic principle, which was
successfully used in the Wellington bomber, would have six engines. A map
showed that it could bomb Moscow from London. The idea was to attack coal
mines, underground petrol and oil storage, oilfields and hydroelectric dams, to
strike at these `sources of power' rather than humble power stations. Wallis's
concept was one of `anti-civil engineering bombing', as he called it; he wanted
to destroy great works. The project was taken up by the Ministry of Aircraft
Production, but work was dropped in 1942.
Two crucial aspects of the scheme did live on. The first was
the idea of attacking civil engineering works, in this case dams. In 1943
Lancasters carrying the `bouncing bomb' designed by Wallis destroyed,
temporarily, some dams in the Ruhr region. The RAF did not bomb the repair
work; nor did it repeat the use of the bouncing bomb - it was far too expensive
in terms of crews lost. In fact the remaining stock of bouncing bombs was
dumped in the sea at the end of the war. The second was the idea, already in
play in the Victory bomber, of bombs much larger than conventional ones, which
would destroy large and strong structures. Great ingenuity and resources went
into developing this concept. Wallis planned that the Victory bomber should
drop new 10-ton bombs, many times bigger than current ones. Wallis designed the
6-ton Tallboy and then the 10-ton Grand Slam bombs, which were dropped from
1944 and 1945 respectively, but from Lancasters. Tallboys were used with some
success against great structures like U-boat pens, the Tirpitz, which was sunk
in late 1944 as a result of the third attack with these bombs; the Grand Slams
were used to destroy viaducts and bridges, including the Bielefeld railway
viaduct. In fact the viaduct had been under continuous attack since June 1944
by US and then British airforces, the latter using Tallboys. It was damaged but
was quickly repaired, and a bypass was built making the viaduct significantly
less important. The bypass had to be used for years after the war, as the
viaduct was destroyed in March 1945 by the first, and much celebrated, Gland
Slam raid. Wallis's `bouncing bomb' was of course the subject of The Dambusters
film of 1955. As told in the film, bizzarely yet influentially, Wallis battled
with a bureaucracy disinclined to accept new ideas from engineers. Yet Wallis
received massive support, to produce a weapon which was in the event used on
only one raid, one whose results were not as great as expected.
After Wallis, perhaps the most famous wartime inventor was
Frank Whittle, in British eyes the inventor of the jet engine. Whittle was an
air force officer who had been sent to Cambridge to study engineering in the
1930s; like others, he was given the opportunity to stay on and he developed
his idea of the jet engine. With air force support he was seconded to a private
company set up to develop his ideas, and this company, with state contracts,
was to carry the main but not the only early development effort. All this
happened before the war: by 1939-40 the project was well under way. By 1939
plans were being made to fit it to an aircraft; by early 1940 the jet engine
was on a list of `war winners' and by late 1940 was ordered into production.
There was a brief hiatus in mid-1940, but Lindemann's
interest in jets was `an important factor in the remarkable renaissance in jet
propulsion' in autumn 1940.14 During the war the number of jet engine projects
multiplied, with the Whittle group one of many, in what was a
state-orchestrated collaborative programme, involving many large firms in
turbine engineering and aero-engines - essentially Metropolitan- Vickers from
October 1940, De Havilland, who got an order in May 1941, Rolls-Royce from June
1941 (though they had employed a jet specialist, A. A. Griffiths, from 1939) and
lastly Armstrong-Siddeley. Bristol too were involved. Yet belief in the power
of the inventor meant Whittle, without question the key pioneer, was given a
lot of scope despite the fact that many and in many respects more powerful
players were in the game. His Power Jets company continued to be supported. The
first British jet engine into service was a Rover / Rolls- Royce development of
the Whittle W2, the W2B / 23, called the Welland by Rolls-Royce. The second was
the Halford H-1 (later called the Goblin), designed by the piston-engine
designer Major Halford for the De Havilland company. Halford was one the big
three engine designers of the war alongside Roy Fedden, chief engineer at
Bristol until 1942, and Ernest Hives, general manager of Rolls-Royce. The
Goblin was considerably more powerful than the first Whittle engines but was,
like Whittle's, a centrifugal compressor design.
A Gloster Meteor Intercepts a V-1 Flying Bomb
by Colin E. Bowley
1944- A Gloster Meteor of 616 Squadron operating from Manston in Kent intercepts a German V-1 Flying Bomb bound for London.
Shooting at a V-1 proved to be extremely dangerous. To be within range to shoot also meant being close enough to be damaged by the huge explosion and deadly flying shrapnel.
Some pilots were able to fly alongside and gently tip the wing of the V-1 to send it out of control and into the empty fields below.
by Colin E. Bowley
1944- A Gloster Meteor of 616 Squadron operating from Manston in Kent intercepts a German V-1 Flying Bomb bound for London.
Shooting at a V-1 proved to be extremely dangerous. To be within range to shoot also meant being close enough to be damaged by the huge explosion and deadly flying shrapnel.
Some pilots were able to fly alongside and gently tip the wing of the V-1 to send it out of control and into the empty fields below.
The Gloster Meteor, a fighter equipped with two Wellands,
went into partial service in June 1944 and was used against V-1 doodlebugs.
However, it was no match for the new fighters powered by the Sabre and
Centaurus engines. The De Havilland Vampire, with a single De Havilland Goblin,
only came into service after the war, as did a new Meteor powered with
Rolls-Royce engines. Such late deployment was not intended. Production orders
had been given `off the drawing board' to the Rover car company in 1940. In
early 1941 it was envisaged that British jet fighters would be operational in
the winter of 1942-3. A jet engine factory at Barnoldswick in Lancashire costing
£1.5m and employing 1,600 workers was ready before the engine, resulting in a
serious waste of resources in 1942.
Engine development was in effect to be taken out of
Whittle's hands late in the war. From 1943 it was intended to nationalize his
Power Jets firm, which was supported by private interests, as indeed happened
in 1944. Through a series of steps it became part of the civil service after
the war. But as he became less important in the actual design, Whittle was
celebrated as the inventor of the jet. In 1944 he became a public figure,
garlanded with honours from the state and from engineering institutions. Though
still a young man he was never to design a jet engine again. Development was
now very firmly in the hands of great private firms committed to the next
generation of jets. The surprising ending to this story should not obscure the
level of support this RAF officer got from the ministry long before the war -
remaining a career officer he was seconded to a private firm to develop his
invention with government money. The authorities believed in the individual
inventor; his special qualities were seen as essential to creativity.
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