Air Vice-Marshal Peter
Dye, Director General of the RAF Museum, takes an in-depth look at the crucial
role played by logistics during the Battle of Britain, and finds some
surprising facts that seem to run counter to the accepted view of the Few"
against lithe many"
Reserves and storage
Before the expansion scheme such reserves as existed were
stored on the stations where they were to be used. However, the significant
increase in reserves brought a need for dedicated storage facilities. It was
planned to establish 24 Aircraft Storage Units (ASUs) able to store some 400
aircraft each and located at existing airfields (as far away from continental
Europe as practicable).
On the outbreak of war the RAF had some 2,200 aircraft in
storage at 12 ASUs. Early in 1940 it was decided that large hangars storing
considerable numbers of aircraft posed too high a risk, and aircraft were
dispersed more widely to reduce the maximum holdings in each ASU from 400 to
200 aircraft. As well as providing a strategic reserve, the ASUs also formed an
important buffer between factories and the front line to cope with surges in
wastage. Modifications and installations could also be done at ASUs before
final delivery. By the last quarter of 1939 ASU holdings had risen to 3,600
aircraft, and had grown to more than 5,000 by late 1940.
The Luftwaffe spent much of June and July 1940 making good
the significant losses suffered during the Battle of France and putting in
place the logistics to support operations from its new airfields along the
Channel coast. The repair organisation was less easy to improvise. Day-to-day
maintenance was the responsibility of mechanics attached to each Staffel. Work
that was expected to take longer than two days was transferred where possible
to static workshops based at major airfields. At this stage these were all in
Germany, so many damaged aircraft had to be transported long distances by road
and rail just to be repaired.
Britain's stubborn refusal to sue for peace meant that
destruction of the RAF was now essential if Hitler's strategic aims were to be
realised. For this the Luftwaffe could muster 3,358 aircraft (see Luftwaffe
order of battle, above). Most sources agree that the Luftwaffe deployed an
effective strength of a little more than 900 Bf 109 fighters from an
establishment of some 1,000 aircraft. This comprised the bulk of its single
seat fighter force; approximately ISO aircraft remained in other theatres,
including Germany, to defend against possible Bomber Command attacks. By
comparison, Fighter Command could field 52 squadrons of Hurricanes and
Spitfires; nearly 1,100 aircraft in total. Thus, in terms of single-seat
fighters, the opposing air forces were evenly matched, albeit that Fighter
Command was outnumbered more than 3:1in overall terms.
These figures provide only an opening balance. The strength
of the respective air forces altered over the course of the summer and autumn
as attrition took its toll. However, a look at the overall picture (see Figure 2) shows that Fighter
Command steadily fielded more single -seat fighters as the Battle progressed.
In fact, as the RAF grew stronger so the Luftwaffe grew weaker.
What makes this all
the more surprising is the fact that Fighter Command's operational losses were
significantly higher than those of the Luftwaffe's fighter force. This was
equally true for the Battle of France as it was for the Battle of Britain. In
the four months during July-October 1940 Fighter Command lost more than 900
Hurricanes and Spitfires destroyed on operations, whereas the Luftwaffe lost
600 Bf 109s. Operational losses do not tell the whole story, however, as
accidents and other wastage are excluded. But here again the RAF suffered more
than the Luftwaffe. At the height of the Battle, Fighter Command's total
wastage in Hurricanes and Spitfires was more than 180 per cent of its
operational losses, compared with 140 per cent for the Luftwaffe's Bf 109s.
Vital serviceability
Perhaps a better test of relative strength is
serviceability. The comparative rates for Fighter Command and the Luftwaffe are
shown in Figure 3. Serviceability
remained fairly constant in Fighter Command throughout the Battle, at between
80 and 90 per cent. On the other hand, serviceability of the Luftwaffe's
single-engined fighter force fell from a little more than 80 per cent at the start
of the Battle to close to 70 per cent by the autumn. The operational
implication for the Luftwaffe of the steady decline in the number of
serviceable Bf 109s was significant, if not fatal.
Experience rapidly demonstrated that only the Bf 109 could provide
adequate protection to bomber formations. In general, attacks on mainland
targets required a 2: I fighter: bomber ratio, and sometimes as high as 3: I.
With only 600-700 Bf 109s available daily for offensive operations, the
attacking force was limited to no more than 250-300 bombers out of a total
strength of some 1,800. Quite simply, the number of Bf 109s available for
escort duties determined the Luftwaffe's offensive capability.
Although great emphasis has been placed on the shortage of
pilots faced by Fighter Command, the Luftwaffe suffered equally, if not more,
from the impact of wastage. Fighter Command's pilot casualties reached a little
more than 20 per cent in August and September, but with some 260 pilots (albeit
inexperienced) being produced each month from the Operational Training Units,
the situation was unlikely to become desperate. In fact, as Figure 4 indicates, Fighter Command
started with a distinct advantage in pilot numbers that only increased as the
Battle progressed. This situation largely arose from the Luftwaffe's systematic
neglect of training; a situation that only worsened as the war progressed.
Wastage vs.
production
In operational terms, Fighter Command significantly outperformed
the Luftwaffe. A comparison of day-fighter sorties between the respective air
forces (Figure 5) indicates that it
was able to generate up to as much as four times the weekly sortie rate of the
Luftwaffe. At the height of the Battle, Fighter Command's Spitfires and
Hurricanes flew 1,000 sorties per week more than the Luftwaffe's Bf 109s.
Fighter Command clearly possessed an increasing advantage in
single-seat fighters as the campaign continued, notwithstanding higher aircraft
and pilot attrition. How was this achieved?
The simple answer is that wastage never exceeded production.
Deliveries to the operational squadrons actually exceeded wastage throughout
the Battle. This disguises, however, the crucial role played by the CRO. Al
though the sustained efforts of the aircraft industry were vital in sustaining
the front line, repair provided nearly 50 per cent of the total output received
by the operational squadrons, as Figure
6 illustrates. At the height of the fighting the CRO was achieving repair
turnaround times of less than six weeks for fighters. The Luftwaffe had no
capability on this scale. In fact, until as late as 1942, repair output was no
more than 25 per cent of production.
By October 1940, after three months' steady attrition,
Fighter Command's front line stood at some 98 per cent of its established
strength, slightly higher than when the Battle opened. By comparison, the
Luftwaffe fighter force had fallen from 95 to 82 per cent of established
strength.
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